Bowlby, J. (1938) The Development of Children's Concepts of Causal Relations: By Jean Marquis Deutsche. (Oxford University Press. Pp. 104. Price 9 s.). International Journal of Psychoanalysis 19:511-512

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It is always interesting to have careful experimental studies of data bearing on psycho-analytical theory. In this book Mrs. Deutsche has investigated children's views on causation, discussing amongst other matters the frequency with which ideas of magical causation are met with.

She invited 732 children between the ages of eight and sixteen years of age to tell her how they believed certain things to be caused. Some of the questions concerned little experiments like putting a candle under a bell-jar until it is extinguished; others inquired after such common phenomena as 'What makes the wind blow?

511","docLevel":1,"updated":"2023-07-11T13:09:37+00:00","score":1,"rank":1,"stat":{"art_cited_5":0,"art_cited_10":0,"art_cited_20":0,"art_cited_all":0,"art_views_lastcalyear":6,"art_views_lastweek":0,"art_views_last1mos":0,"art_views_last6mos":1,"art_views_last12mos":4,"reference_count":0,"art_fig_count":0,"art_tbl_count":0,"art_kwds_count":0,"art_words_count":546,"art_citations_count":0,"art_ftns_count":0,"art_notes_count":0,"art_dreams_count":0},"embargo":"False","embargotype":null,"downloads":true,"accessClassification":"archive","accessChecked":false,"accessLimited":true},{"documentID":"IJP.021.0371B","docType":"REV","documentRef":"Bowlby, J. (1940) The Open Way: A Study in Acceptance: By E. Graham Howe and L. le Mesurier. (Methuen & Co. Ltd., London, 1939. Pp. 201. Price, 8 s. 6 d.). International Journal of Psychoanalysis 21:371-372","documentRefHTML":"

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This book sets out to present a message and is written in the language

\n371\nof religion and metaphysics. It makes no pretence at being a scientific work and so to consider it from a purely scientific angle is perhaps inadequate. The message, which is presented clearly and sincerely, derives partly from modern psychotherapy. The value of patience, toleration and acceptance of the bad and unpleasant things, both within ourselves and outside, is stressed, and the futility either of shutting our eyes or of merely hating them taught. Love and acceptance, both for ourselves and others, are presented as the great healers. Few psycho-analysts would cavil at this message. What they would miss, however, is any attempt to further the understanding of the unconscious sources of guilt, fear and hatred which, between them, make patience, tolerance and love so difficult. Without this detailed understanding, the value of the message is limited.372","docLevel":1,"updated":"2023-07-11T13:11:38+00:00","score":1,"rank":2,"stat":{"art_cited_5":0,"art_cited_10":0,"art_cited_20":0,"art_cited_all":0,"art_views_lastcalyear":8,"art_views_lastweek":0,"art_views_last1mos":0,"art_views_last6mos":4,"art_views_last12mos":8,"reference_count":0,"art_fig_count":0,"art_tbl_count":0,"art_kwds_count":0,"art_words_count":178,"art_citations_count":0,"art_ftns_count":0,"art_notes_count":0,"art_dreams_count":0},"embargo":"False","embargotype":null,"downloads":true,"accessClassification":"archive","accessChecked":false,"accessLimited":true},{"documentID":"IJP.021.0154A","docType":"ART","documentRef":"Bowlby, J. (1940) The Influence of Early Environment in the Development of Neurosis and Neurotic Character. International Journal of Psychoanalysis 21:154-178","documentRefHTML":"

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The material upon which this paper is based is the case-material which I have seen during the past three years at the London Child Guidance Clinic. I have seen there about 150 cases and, although none of the cases has been fully analysed, an immense amount of work has been done, much of it by analytically trained workers, on them. Data regarding the child's past and present environment has been collected by psychiatric social workers1 and in the huge majority of cases I have personally interviewed the mother and had some opportunity of gauging her character. The material therefore, although far less intensive than that obtained in analysis, is not altogether superficial and contains reliable evidence on issues which are not easily investigated in analysis. In my view there is a vast field of research open to analysts in psychiatric clinics. In those where it is possible to spend a number of hours on each case and the services of a trained psychiatric social worker are available, it is easy to collect detailed clinical material on, analytically speaking, large numbers of cases. It is my belief that this type of research is of much more value in solving certain analytic problems than is research limited to analytic sessions, and the subject of this paper is a conspicuous example of the type of problem which I have in mind. The very meagre attention given to the rôle of environment in analytic literature seems to me to be due to analysts having in their daily analytic work only very poor opportunities of investigating the problem. Except in the case of child analysts, in fact, first hand observations are impossible. I look forward to the day when analytic research will be pursued vigorously along both the intensive lines of the analytic interview and also the more extensive lines possible in a child guidance clinic or mental hospital.

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Bowlby, J. (1940) Children: Martin Grotjahn. 'Some Features Common to Psychotherapy of Psychotic Patients and Children.' Psychiatry, 1938, Vol. I, No. 3, pp. 317–322.. International Journal of Psychoanalysis 21:352

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In both psychotics and children, it is contended, normal analytic contact is impossible. The transference situations must therefore be established by a modified and active technique in order to start communication. Various modifications of technique for getting into communication with psychotic patients are described, special emphasis being laid on the need to enter the patient's own level of a primitive and magic-symbolic communication.

It is maintained that owing to the child's ego being almost non-existent it is necessary to analyse a child in an environment away from its parents. This environment has to continue what the analysis can only start. For this reason, and also because the child's normal expression is activity, it is necessary for the child analyst to live in this milieu with the child, a milieu in which psycho-analytic knowledge is used to produce an ideal parental situation. Deep interpretations are then possible.

352","docLevel":1,"updated":"2023-07-11T13:11:28+00:00","score":1,"rank":4,"stat":{"art_cited_5":0,"art_cited_10":0,"art_cited_20":0,"art_cited_all":1,"art_views_lastcalyear":7,"art_views_lastweek":0,"art_views_last1mos":0,"art_views_last6mos":1,"art_views_last12mos":6,"reference_count":0,"art_fig_count":0,"art_tbl_count":0,"art_kwds_count":0,"art_words_count":167,"art_citations_count":0,"art_ftns_count":0,"art_notes_count":0,"art_dreams_count":0},"embargo":"False","embargotype":null,"downloads":true,"accessClassification":"archive","accessChecked":false,"accessLimited":true},{"documentID":"IJP.025.0107A","docType":"ART","documentRef":"Bowlby, J. (1944) Forty-Four Juvenile Thieves: Their Characters and Home-Life (II). International Journal of Psychoanalysis 25:107-128","documentRefHTML":"

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\"(VII) Conclusion and Summary

From its earliest days psycho-analysis has emphasized the critical importance of the child's first few years. Despite this there has been relatively little systematic investigation of possible adverse factors in the young child's environment. The investigation reported here has sought to remedy this situation by enquiring into the early environment, and in particular that part of it comprised by the parents, of a number of habitual thieves. The result has been that certain specifically adverse circumstances have been identified and their significance demonstrated both statistically in the whole group and clinically in a few individual cases. The conclusion has been drawn that, had it not been for certain factors inimical to the healthy development of the capacity for object-love, certain children would not have become offenders. Conversely, and equally important, it may be concluded that the socially satisfactory behaviour of most adults is dependent on their having been brought up in circumstances, fortunately common, which have encouraged or at least permitted the satisfactory development of their capacity to make object-relationships. These findings thus not only confirm the general psycho-analytic thesis that it is the early years which count in character development, but demonstrate beyond doubt that the elucidation of the problem of juvenile delinquency is dependent upon psycho-analytic investigation. Nevertheless it would be foolish to suppose that psycho-analytic investigation alone, even extended to cover statistical enquiries of the kind reported here, would be sufficient. Though juvenile delinquency is to a great degree a psychological problem, it is also a problem of sociology and economics.

We must remember that the cases studied in this investigation are not a typical sample of Court cases. They are a highly selected sample, referred to a Child Guidance Clinic because they were specially difficult or because the child was obviously not emotionally normal. There are many other

\n125\n

sorts of children charged in Court and in these cases factors of the kind inculpated in this paper may well be few or indeed absent. On the other hand, poverty, bad housing, lack of recreational facilities and other socio-economic factors, will play a large part. Juvenile delinquency as a total problem is in fact the outcome of many and complex factors and until the effects of these are studied together in an adequately planned and combined research the weight to be attached to each will remain unknown. In consequence, though this research has placed emphasis on the psycho-analytic factors, we have no method of ascertaining how important these factors are in the total problem which the Home Office and the Courts have to deal with. The remark of an experienced probation officer that about one-third of the cases coming into Court are of the kinds described in this paper is our only clue.

Should this estimate be accurate or even nearly accurate, the problem of providing adequate treatment would be vast, for it is evident that no treatment which leaves the basic emotional problems in these cases unsolved can be more than palliative. Moreover, even when psycho-analytic treatment can be attempted, progress is extremely slow and difficult. One outstanding reason for this is, of course, that the disorders are already of many years' duration when they first come for treatment. For instance, the average age of the Affectionless children in this series was about ten years. This means that the condition had been present and progressing for at least seven years. My conclusion therefore is that all these cases must in future be diagnosed and treated before the child is five, and preferably before three. This may appear a fantastic view. But no doubt the same might have been said of physicians who advocated the early treatment of tuberculosis in the days when only advanced conditions were seen. Since those days, we have learnt to diagnose tuberculosis, whether of bone or joint or lung, in its earliest stages, and no sacrifice is thought too great to secure its cure, even though the symptoms presented are, to the layman, trivial.

In precisely the same way we may look forward to a time when the diagnosis of delinquent character is regularly made in the child's early years. That we can learn to do this there can be not the slightest doubt. The case of Florence W., aged 3½, demonstrates that if we are on the look-out for the diagnostic signs in early life, they can be detected. The help of infant welfare centres and nursery schools must be enlisted. Well-trained play-analysts must be provided to give treatment. Medicine must step in and cure these cases long before they are even eligible to come before a Court of Law. For in dealing with chronic delinquents the machinery of law is starting at a serious disadvantage. No child may be charged before the age of 8 years, by which time the disease is far advanced. Looked at as centres for the prevention and cure of crime, such an arrangement might be compared to a national network of cancer-clinics, pledged to take no case of less than five years' standing.

But if early diagnosis is important, how much more vital is prevention. Certain factors, it is true, cannot be prevented. Deaths, whether of mother or little brother, will occur, but even here an understanding of the child's emotions may enable timely help to be given. Anxious and nagging mothers also may always be with us, but again an understanding of their problem and the provision of play centres and nursery schools will go far to ameliorate the lot of their children. The prolonged separation of young children from their mothers may also on occasion be unavoidable. Nevertheless, if all those who had to advise on the upbringing of small children, and not least among them doctors, were aware of the appalling damage which separations of this kind have on the development of a child's character, many could be avoided and many of the most distressing cases of chronic delinquency prevented.

SUMMARY

The characters and psychiatric history of 44 juvenile thieves referred to a Child Guidance Clinic are compared with those of 44 children also referred to a Clinic who did not steal. About half the thieves had indulged in regular and serious stealing, in most cases over a long period of time. In only 12 had the stealing been relatively slight, and one of these later turned out to be a chronic thief.

In sex and intelligence there was no significant difference between the groups. Only two thieves were of low intelligence.

Economic status was not specially investigated, but was believed not to differ between the two groups. Few in either group were dependent on support from public funds.

The thieves are classified according to their characters. Only 2 were regarded as fairly 'Normal' emotionally, 9 were Depressed, 2 Circular, 13 Hyperthymic, 14 of a character type which has been christened 'Affectionless' and 4 Schizoid or Schizophrenic. There are no Affectionless Characters amongst the controls, a difference which is significant.

The Affectionless children are significantly more delinquent than the other thieves. All but one were serious offenders, the majority truanting as well as stealing. They constitute more than half of the more serious and chronic offenders. It is argued that these Affectionless delinquents constitute a true psychiatric syndrome hitherto only partially recognized.

Aetiological factors are discussed under three main headings: possible genetic factors, early home environment and contemporary environment. The

\n126\n

difficulty of isolating the influence of genetic factors from environmental factors is discussed. Five factors are treated statistically: (i) genetic, (ii) prolonged separations of child from mother or foster-mother in the early years, (iii) ambivalent and anxious mothers, (iv) fathers who openly hate their children, and (v) recent traumatic events.

Eighteen thieves had a parent or grandparent who was mentally ill with psychosis, psychopathic character or severe neurosis, an incidence of mental illness which is almost identical to that in the control group. Though comparative figures are not available, this incidence is almost certainly higher in both groups than it would be in a control group of normal children. Both genetic and environmental factors are likely to play a part in producing this association.

Seventeen of the thieves had suffered complete and prolonged separation (six months or more) from their mothers or established foster-mothers during their first five years of life. Only two controls had suffered similar separations, a statistically significant difference. 12 of the 14 thieves who were of the Affectionless Character had suffered a prolonged separation in contrast to only 5 of the remaining 30 thieves, a difference which is again significant. Clinical evidence is presented which shows that a prolonged separation is a principle cause of the Affectionless (and delinquent) Character.

Of the 27 thieves who had not suffered an early separation 17 had mothers who were either extremely anxious, irritable and fussy or else rigid, domineering and oppressive, traits which in all cases mask much unconscious hostility. Five of the 27 had fathers who hated them and expressed their hatred openly. In these respects, however, the thieves do not differ from the controls, although it is extremely probable that both groups would differ substantially from a group of normal children.

Five of the thieves had suffered traumatic experiences, four in connection with their mothers' illness or death and one over a brother's death. Six others had been seriously upset by a relatively recent unhappy experience. Evidence is brought to show that stealing is in some cases a symptom of a Depressive State.

The incidence of the five factors enumerated does not differ significantly as between the less serious cases of stealing and the controls. The incidence both of ambivalent mothers and recent traumatic events is lower in the case of habitual thieves than it is in the other two groups. The incidence of prolonged separations of the small child from his mother or foster-mother is significantly greater in the case of the habitual offenders than in the other groups. It is concluded that whilst the other four factors may well be of considerable importance for the pathogenesis of unstable and maladapted children in general, including some delinquents, prolonged separations are a specific and very frequent cause of chronic delinquency.

The pathological effects of prolonged separations and the psychopathology of the Affectionless thief are discussed very briefly. Attention is drawn (a) to the strong libidinal and aggressive components in stealing, and (b) to the failure of super-ego development in these cases following a failure in the development of the capacity for object-love. The latter is traced to lack of opportunity for development and to inhibition resulting from rage and phantasy on the one hand and motives of emotional self-protection on the other.

The relationship of stealing to truancy and sexual offences is discussed. Evidence is advanced that the Affectionless Character is prone to both, and that a substantial proportion of prostitutes are probably of this character.

A plea is made for a combined research in which both psycho-analytic and socio-economic factors are investigated. Without such research the relative effect of either group of factors in explaining the total problem of juvenile delinquency will remain unknown.

The treatment of delinquent character is difficult. Since it is possible to diagnose an Affectionless Character at the age of three years and possibly earlier, a strong plea is made for early diagnosis and early treatment. Above all, attention should be given to prevention; many prolonged separations could be avoided.

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(I) THE PROBLEM: METHODS OF RESEARCH

There are probably few people whose work lies outside the courts who realize that in nine criminal cases out of ten the charge is theft. During 1938 for instance there were about 78, 500 persons found guilty of an indictable offence, a category which excludes drunkenness, traffic offences and other minor delinquencies. Of these over 56, 000 (or 72 per cent.) were found guilty of larceny and another 16, 000 (or 20 per cent.) found guilty of breaking and entering, frauds or receiving stolen goods. This leaves only 6, 500 (or 8 per cent.) for all other offences.

Another fact perhaps little realized is that for some years past exactly half of those found guilty have been under 21 years of age and that over one-sixth of the total were under 14. Indeed of all age-groups in the population it is the thirteen-year-olds who appear most often in court. Thus theft, like rheumatic fever, is a disease of childhood and adolescence, and, as in rheumatic fever, attacks in later life are frequently in the nature of recurrences.

[Sections IV to VII will appear in the next issue. The small figures in brackets occurring in the text refer to the Bibliography, which will also be included in the final instalment of the paper.]

The Home Office Report on Persistent Offenders states that in 1930 there were 39, 000 persons sentenced to imprisonment. Of these over 20, 000 had been in prison before, no less than 9, 200 having served five or more sentences.

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By S. H. Foulkes. (English Studies in Criminal Science—Pamphlet Series, Cambridge, 1944. Pp. 43.)

The Diagnosis and Treatment of Delinquency. By Edward Glover. (Institute for the Scientific Treatment of Delinquency, London. Pp. 32.)

The first of these pamphlets is an exposition of the psycho-analytic theory of criminal behaviour, with particular emphasis on the social matrix in which the individual develops and commits his offences. It is intended for the layman and as a clear statement of the analytic point of view it performs a useful service.

The second is a clinical report on the work of the I.S.T.D. during its first five years 1937–1941, and shows that much useful work has been done. A plea is made for an extension of the Institute's activities and it is to be hoped it will meet with support. Whether it is effective propaganda to base this plea to such an extent on an analysis of the results of treatment may be doubted, since, for familiar and at present unavoidable reasons, convincing statistical evidence of the benefits of psychotherapy is almost impossible to obtain. It seems probable that the most effective propaganda in the future will be studies of the psychological causes of criminal behaviour, using normal controls for comparison.

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The survey on which this report is based was undertaken by the Ministry of Health and the Medical Research Council in the autumn of 1942. Its original purpose was to obtain information on the adequacy of psychiatric out-patient facilities to deal with the psychiatric troubles of a civilian population subjected to more than three years of war. The publication of the Beveridge report in December 1942, however, suggested that the survey might also consider 'how the psychiatric services of this country might be improved after the war.'

65","docLevel":1,"updated":"2023-07-11T13:14:22+00:00","score":1,"rank":8,"stat":{"art_cited_5":0,"art_cited_10":0,"art_cited_20":0,"art_cited_all":0,"art_views_lastcalyear":4,"art_views_lastweek":0,"art_views_last1mos":2,"art_views_last6mos":5,"art_views_last12mos":7,"reference_count":0,"art_fig_count":0,"art_tbl_count":0,"art_kwds_count":0,"art_words_count":476,"art_citations_count":0,"art_ftns_count":0,"art_notes_count":0,"art_dreams_count":0},"embargo":"False","embargotype":null,"downloads":true,"accessClassification":"archive","accessChecked":false,"accessLimited":true},{"documentID":"IJP.039.0350A","docType":"ART","documentRef":"Bowlby, J. (1958) The Nature of the Child's Tie to his Mother. International Journal of Psychoanalysis 39:350-373","documentRefHTML":"

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Psycho-Analysts are at one in recognizing the child's first object relations as the foundation stone of his personality: yet there is no agreement on the nature and dynamics of this relationship. No doubt because of its very importance, differences are sharp and feelings often run high. In this paper I am taking it for granted that today we are all agreed on the empirical fact that within 12 months the infant has developed a strong libidinal tie to a mother-figure2 and that our differences lie in how this has come about. What in fact are the dynamics which promote and underlie this tie?

My plan will be to begin by describing very briefly four alternative views which in greater or less degree of purity are to be found in the psycho-analytic and other psychological literature and to sketch a fifth which I believe may account more adequately for the data. I shall then attempt to assess what have been and are the views advanced in their writings by a number of leading analysts.

Before elaborating the view which I favour it will be necessary to discuss in rather summary fashion, first, some notions, including those of Piaget, regarding the development of perception and cognition and, secondly, some of the more recent theories of instinctual behaviour. Indeed, in writing it I have wondered whether this paper should not have been preceded by three others—one on cognitive development, a second on instinct, and a third on the comparative advantages and disadvantages on the one hand of direct observation of infants and on the other of reconstructions based on the psycho-analysis of older subjects. However, I have not taken this course, and instead am presenting a paper in which, I am acutely aware, despite its length a number of crucial matters are treated both controversially and cursorily.

The four theories regarding the positive aspects of the child's tie which are to be found in the literature can be described briefly. They are:—

i.The child has a number of physiological needs which must be met, particularly for food and warmth, but no social needs. In so far as a baby becomes interested in and attached to a human figure, especially mother, this is the result of the mother meeting the baby's physiological needs and the baby in due course learning that she is the source of gratification. I propose to call this the theory of Secondary Drive, terminology which is derived from Learning Theory. It has also been called the cupboard-love theory of object relations.

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INTRODUCTION

In a previous paper, that on \"Separation Anxiety\" (1960), I sketched briefly the sequence of responses to be observed when young children are removed from their mothers and placed with strangers. After delineating the three phases—Protest, Despair, Detachment3—I pointed out that \"the phase of Protest raises the problem of separation anxiety; Despair that of grief and mourning; Detachment that of defense. The thesis to be advanced is that the three responses—separation anxiety, grief and mourning, and defense—are phases of a single process and that when treated as such each illumines the other two.\" The hypothesis advanced there to account for separation anxiety was a corollary of the one advanced in an earlier paper to account for the child's tie to his mother (Bowlby, 1958b). In that paper it was suggested that the child's tie is best conceived as the outcome of a number of instinctual response systems, mostly nonoral in character, which are a part of the inherited behavior repertoire of man; when they are activated and the mother figure is available, attachment behavior results. In the paper on separation anxiety I suggested that, when they are activated and the mother figure is temporarily unavailable, separation anxiety and protest behavior follow.

Part of an earlier draft of this paper was read before the British Psycho-Analytical Society in October, 1959. Part of this version was presented as one of two Sandor Rado Lectures at Columbia University, New York, in April, 1960.

From the Tavistock Child Development Research Unit.

In earlier papers and the first drafts both of this paper and the previous one the term \"Denial\" had been used for the third phase. It gave rise to many difficulties, however, and is now abandoned in favor of the more purely descriptive term \"detachment.\" It is used to indicate \"lack of attachment.\"

\n9","docLevel":1,"updated":"2023-06-04T16:48:02+00:00","score":1,"rank":10,"stat":{"art_cited_5":10,"art_cited_10":24,"art_cited_20":50,"art_cited_all":145,"art_views_lastcalyear":105,"art_views_lastweek":0,"art_views_last1mos":5,"art_views_last6mos":58,"art_views_last12mos":111,"reference_count":0,"art_fig_count":0,"art_tbl_count":0,"art_kwds_count":0,"art_words_count":17814,"art_citations_count":106,"art_ftns_count":19,"art_notes_count":0,"art_dreams_count":0},"embargo":"False","embargotype":null,"downloads":true,"accessClassification":"archive","accessChecked":false,"accessLimited":true},{"documentID":"IJP.041.0089A","docType":"ART","documentRef":"Bowlby, J. (1960) Separation Anxiety. International Journal of Psychoanalysis 41:89-113","documentRefHTML":"

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OBSERVATIONS OF YOUNG CHILDREN

Since 1948 the Tavistock Child Development Research Unit has been concerned with recording the manifest responses which commonly occur when children between the ages of about 12 months and 4 years are removed from the mother figures2 to whom they are attached and remain with strangers. Preliminary papers and a scientific film have been published (67), (64), (65), (13), (14) and a comprehensive report by James Robertson and the writer is in preparation. In it we shall draw not only on Robertson's own observations and those of other workers reported in the scientific literature, notably those of Burlingham and Freud (17), (18), and Heinicke (42), but also on reports given us by mothers and nurses with first-hand experience of the problem. Since there is a high consensus in these reports we regard it as firmly established empirically that all children of this age, except those who have already suffered considerable deprivation of maternal care or are seriously ill, react to the experience with shock and anxiety. Our confidence in the validity of these observations is something we wish to emphasize since it is not uncommon for those whose theories lead to expectations of a different kind to cast doubt on them. In our view it is the theories which are mistaken, not the observations, and it is with the theoretical issues raised by these data that this paper is concerned.

It is evident, however, that the nature and dynamics of the responses to the rupture of a social bond cannot be understood until there is some understanding of the nature and dynamics of the bond itself. It was because of this that in a recently published paper (16) I discussed how best the nature of the young child's tie to his mother could be conceptualized. In it I advanced the view that instead of the tie being motivated by a secondary drive or one wholly based on orality, which are the most commonly held views today, it may be mediated by a number of instinctual response systems which are partially independent of one another and which wax and wane in activity at different periods of the infant's and young child's life. I suggested that much psycho-analytic theory, by concentrating attention too narrowly either on the meeting of 'physiological' needs (e.g. for food and warmth) or on orality, may have led to the picture as a whole being seen out of perspective; and that other responses, particularly clinging and following which seem to reach their zenith in the second and third years, require far more attention than they have yet been given.

","docLevel":1,"updated":"2023-07-13T11:24:21+00:00","score":1,"rank":11,"stat":{"art_cited_5":9,"art_cited_10":19,"art_cited_20":32,"art_cited_all":83,"art_views_lastcalyear":106,"art_views_lastweek":0,"art_views_last1mos":6,"art_views_last6mos":41,"art_views_last12mos":90,"reference_count":0,"art_fig_count":0,"art_tbl_count":1,"art_kwds_count":0,"art_words_count":19110,"art_citations_count":92,"art_ftns_count":22,"art_notes_count":0,"art_dreams_count":0},"embargo":"False","embargotype":null,"downloads":true,"accessClassification":"archive","accessChecked":false,"accessLimited":true},{"documentID":"IJP.041.0313A","docType":"ART","documentRef":"Bowlby, J. (1960) Symposium on 'Psycho-Analysis and Ethology'—Ii. Ethology and the Development of Object Relations. International Journal of Psychoanalysis 41:313-317","documentRefHTML":"

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It is now eight years since my interest was first aroused in ethology. At that time, having reviewed the evidence that experiences of deprivation of maternal care and separation from the mother figure can sometimes have very adverse effects on personality development, I was searching for ways of understanding better the processes likely to be at work. It was Lorenz's work on the following responses of goslings which first caught my imagination, as it has that of so many others. From this time forward the further I read and the more ethologists I met the more I felt a kinship with them. Here were first-rate scientists studying the family life of lower species who were not only making observations that were at least analogous to those made of human family life but whose interests, like those of analysts, lay in the field of instinctive behaviour, conflict, and the many surprising and sometimes pathological outcomes of conflict. May it not be, I thought, that in this recent biological work lay some of the ideas on instinct which Freud had always hoped biology would one day provide for psycho-analysis?

Since then I have explored the matter more fully and have had to acclimatize myself to several sharp changes in ethological theory. In another paper of this symposium Kaufman has described some of these. The one to which I found it most difficult to accustom myself was the abandonment of Lorenz's hydrodynamic theory, whereby an instinctual response was conceived as becoming active when a sufficient quantity of reaction-specific energy had accumulated, and its replacement by the concept of a response system which is activated by one complex mechanism that takes account of both internal and external stimuli and is switched off by another and similar mechanism. Lorenz's original theory of reservoirs of energy was so like Freud's that it had all the attractions of familiarity. The new theory of switch-off, to which my friend Robert Hinde introduced me, had all the painfulness of a strange idea. For a time I felt disoriented. Yet it is really one with which we are all very familiar. Babies stop crying when they are picked up; the bolting horse stops when he reaches his stable. In each case an activity which may be at high intensity ceases in the presence of an external stimulus situation, just as a game of football ceases when the referee blows his whistle or the motor car reaches standstill in the presence of a red light.

","docLevel":1,"updated":"2023-07-13T11:24:28+00:00","score":1,"rank":12,"stat":{"art_cited_5":0,"art_cited_10":2,"art_cited_20":2,"art_cited_all":9,"art_views_lastcalyear":13,"art_views_lastweek":0,"art_views_last1mos":1,"art_views_last6mos":4,"art_views_last12mos":14,"reference_count":0,"art_fig_count":0,"art_tbl_count":0,"art_kwds_count":0,"art_words_count":3592,"art_citations_count":15,"art_ftns_count":2,"art_notes_count":0,"art_dreams_count":0},"embargo":"False","embargotype":null,"downloads":true,"accessClassification":"archive","accessChecked":false,"accessLimited":true},{"documentID":"RFP.025.0623A","docType":"ART","documentRef":"Bowlby, J. (1961) L'éthologie et l'évolution des relations objectales. Revue française de psychanalyse 25:623-631","documentRefHTML":"

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Huit années se sont écoulées depuis que je me suis, pour la première fois, intéressé à l'éthologie. A cette époque, ayant examiné les preuves des fâcheux effets que peut quelquefois avoir sur le développement de la personnalité la privation des soins maternels et la séparation d'avec la mère, je cherchai comment mieux comprendre les processus sans doute déclenchés. Comme tant d'autres chercheurs, je fus impressionné par le travail de Lorenz sur les réactions des oisons. A dater de cette époque, et à mesure que je lus des travaux éthologiques et que je rencontrai un plus grand nombre d'éthologues, je me sentis toujours de plus grandes affinités avec eux. Il s'agissait là de savants de tout premier ordre qui étudiaient la vie familiale d'espèces inférieures. Ils ne se bornaient pas à observer des mœurs au moins analogues à ceux des familles humaines, mais, comme les analystes, ils étudiaient le comportement instinctif, les conflits et les nombreux et quelquefois pathologiques aboutissements de ces conflits. Ne se pourrait-il pas, me demandai-je, que dans ces récentes recherches biologiques puissent se trouver quelques-unes des idées dont Freud avait de tout temps espéré qu'elles serviraient un jour à la psychanalyse ?

Depuis j'ai étudié plus à fond la question et ai dû m'accoutumer à des modifications importantes des théories éthologiques. Au cours de ce symposium, Kaufman vous en a exposé quelques-unes. La modification à laquelle j'ai eu quelque mal à m'habituer a été l'abandon de la théorie hydrodynamique de Lorenz. D'après cette théorie, la réponse instinctuelle était considérée comme devenant active lorsque l'énergie spécifique à cette réaction était accumulée en quantité suffisante.

Communication lue au XXIe Congrès International de Psychanalyse, Copenhague juillet 1959.

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Although we know that after such a loss the acute state of mourning will subside, we also know we shall remain inconsolable and will never find a substitute. No matter what may fill the gap, even if it be filled completely, it nevertheless remains something else. And actually this is how it should be. It is the only way of perpetuating that love which we do not want to relinquish (Freud, 31a).

Introduction

In the preceding paper, Grief and Mourning in Infancy and Early Childhood(13), evidence was presented that the responses to be seen in infants and young children to loss of mother are, at the descriptive level, substantially the same as those to be observed when the older child or adult loses a loved figure; and it was argued that the underlying processes are probably similar. Both, it was contended, required the same description, namely mourning; in both age-groups the subjective experience appeared to be that of grief. Furthermore, in reviewing the psycho-analytic literature, it seemed that some of the implications of such losses had been overlooked. On the one hand many analysts seem not to have identified the processes in question as those of mourning or, if they have, to have believed that they differ radically from mourning in adults; on the other, some analysts have placed so much emphasis on grief and mourning arising from weaning and loss of the mother's breast that they have tended to become preoccupied with events of the first year to the neglect of later ones.

The main thesis I am advancing in these papers is twofold; first, that once the child has formed a tie to a mother-figure, which has ordinarily occurred by the middle of the first year, its rupture leads to separation anxiety and grief and sets in train processes of mourning; secondly, that in the early years of life these mourning processes not infrequently take a course unfavourable to future personality development and thereby predispose to psychiatric illness. Since I believe that an understanding of the nature of these unfavourable outcomes turns on a clear grasp being obtained of the nature of the mourning processes themselves, and of their variants and deviants, a discussion of their implications for psychopathology will be postponed until a later paper. Here the task is that of exploring some of the basic psychological processes engaged in mourning and their biological roots. Particular emphasis is laid on the function of weeping and of anger, which I believe are always or nearly always present, as means for the recovery of the lost loved object. Both, it is noted, are apt to be evoked at an especially intense level in early childhood.

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In the last volume of this Annual, following my paper entitled \"Grief and Mourning in Infancy and Early Childhood\" (1960a), comments on it by Anna Freud, Max Schur, and René A. Spitz appeared. Many of the issues they raise I shall discuss in subsequent papers and in the book I have in preparation. Since, however, Schur has attributed to me a number of views which are other than those I hold, I believe it may avoid misunderstanding if I correct them briefly.

On pages 64 and 65 Schur has attributed to me the following views on instinct theory:

Bowlby's concept is therefore mainly based on that part of the instinct theory of ethology which assumes the fully innate, unlearned character of most complex behavior patterns [Schur's italics]…

Under the impact of this debate most ethologists, e.g., Thorpe, Tinbergen, and others, have abandoned the rigid insistence on the entirely innate origin of instinctive behavior, on the specificity of the drive element and of action-specific energy, and on the \"hydrodynamic model\"—all of which play such a great role in Bowlby's formulations [Schur's italics].

I am familiar with the work Schur refers to and, I believe, have not advanced the sort of theory he attributes to me; several times, indeed, I have expressed views of an opposite kind. For instance, on pages 364-365 of the paper on \"The Nature of the Child's Tie to His Mother\" (1958), I have been fairly specific:

… ethology conceives of [the organism] starting with a number of highly structured responses (some of which are active at birth

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THIS IS the fifth in a series of papers in which I am exploring the theoretical implications of the behavior to be observed when young children are removed from the mother figures to whom they are attached and are placed with strangers. The thesis I am advancing is twofold: \"first, that once the child has formed a tie to a mother-figure, which has ordinarily occurred by the middle of the first year, its rupture leads to separation anxiety and grief and sets in train processes of mourning; secondly, that in the early years of life these mourning processes not infrequently take a course unfavourable to future personality development and thereby predispose to psychiatric illness.\" Since in earlier papers I have discussed the theory of separation anxiety and mourning, it is to the second part of the thesis that this and later papers are directed.

In the preceding paper \"Processes of Mourning\" (5) reasons were given for dividing healthy mourning, whether it occurs in human infants or adults or in lower species, into three main phases.

The substance of this paper was given as the Third Alexander Lecture to the Chicago Institute of Psychoanalysis on May 4, 1961.

I am much indebted to James Robertson for the observations on which I have drawn. The enquiry was undertaken as part of the work of the Tavistock Child Development Research Unit, which is supported by the National Health Service and by grants from the Foundations Fund for Research in Psychiatry and the Ford Foundation, to each of which our thanks are due.

Submitted February 9, 1962

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Because, as we are all agreed, the child's first relationship is of such great significance for our understanding of personality development and psychopathology, the lively debate that is now proceeding about it is much to be welcomed. Inevitably we do not all see eye to eye and there are no doubt misunderstandings on both sides. Nevertheless the protagonists have the same interests and purposes at heart and there is also a good deal of common ground between us.

In reading Dr Murphy's contribution I note especially her emphasis on 'the multiple reaching out of approach patterns of babies as they explore the mother's body visually and tactually as well as orally.' The existence of these approach patterns and the probability of their independence of oral satisfaction is indeed the starting point of my theoretical position. What Dr Murphy seems to find difficult is to believe that clinging and following may be particular examples of these primitive approach patterns, that they may be classifiable as species-specific behaviour patterns (as understood by ethologists), and that attachment behaviour may itself result from the activation of these and related behaviour patterns. In place of this formula, which has the virtue of comparative simplicity and has proved of value in studying similar behaviour in other species, Dr Murphy prefers theories of a more traditional kind. In her view 'the child's tendency to cling and to follow the mother in a [strange] situation … is both a deep cathexis of a gratifying love-object, and an expression of the child's urgent need to be able to manage, or to have help in familiarizing himself in and dealing with a strange world.'

It may well be many years before scientists decide which of these two very different (though not contradictory) viewpoints to adopt. Meanwhile it may be useful if I clarify my own position which at certain points, I think, Dr Murphy misconceives.

A central feature of my theoretical position, but one which I realize now I should have amplified in my original paper (1958), is the immediate survival value of attachment behaviour. One of the chief characteristics of ethological thinking is that it sees the behavioural equipment of each species as the result of natural selection. It therefore asks not only what is the behavioural repertoire of a species but also what selection pressures may have operated to lead to this particular outcome of evolution. The explanation offered of the first and main function of attachment behaviour, for which there is ample evidence for other species, is that it provides protection from predators. So long as the infant (be it gosling, lamb or monkey) is in close proximity to an adult, predators (eagles, foxes, wolves, etc.) stand little chance of success. Once the infant becomes isolated predators pounce.

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Mother and child of the Matto Grosso, Amazon basin\n\niii\n\n

\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPreface\nxi\n\n\nAcknowledgements\nxvii\n\n\nPart I: The Task\n\n\n1\nPoint of View\n3\n\n\n\nSome Characteristics of the Present Approach\n5\n\n\n\nTheories of Motivation\n13\n\n\n\nNote on the Concept of Feedback in Freud's Theorising\n22\n\n\n2\nObservations to Be Explained\n24\n\n\nPart II: Instinctive Behaviour\n\n\n3\nInstinctive Behaviour: An Alternative Model\n37\n\n\n\nIntroduction\n37\n\n\n\nSome Principles of Control Systems\n41\n\n\n\nControl Systems and Instinctive Behaviour\n44\n\n\n\nAdaptation: System and Environment\n50\n\n\n\nNote on Literature\n56\n\n\n4\nMan's Environment of Evolutionary Adaptedness\n58\n\n\n5\nBehavioural Systems Mediating Instinctive Behaviour\n65\n\n\n\nTypes of Behavioural System\n65\n\n\n\nCo-Ordination of Behavioural Systems\n74\n\n\n\nHigher Processes of Integration and Control\n80\n\n\n6\nCausation of Instinctive Behaviour\n85\n\n\n\nActivation and Termination of Behavioural Systems\n85\n\n\n\nIncompatible Behavioural Systems: Results of Simultaneous Activation\n97\n\n\n\nSensory Input and its Transformation\n102\n\n\n7\nAppraising and Selecting: Feeling and Emotion\n104\n\n\n\nIntroduction\n104\n\n\n\nPhilosophical Problems\n106\n\n\n\nProcesses That are Felt\n109\n\n\n\n

\n\nvii\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nIs Feeling or Emotion Causative of Behaviour?\n116\n\n\n\nThe Communicative Role of Feeling and Emotion\n120\n\n\n8\nFunction of Instinctive Behaviour\n124\n\n\n\nFunctions of Behavioural Systems and other Consequences of Their Activity\n124\n\n\n\nProblems of Terminology\n133\n\n\n9\nChanges in Behaviour During the Life-Cycle\n141\n\n\n10\nOntogeny of Instinctive Behaviour\n145\n\n\n\nChanges that Occur During the Ontogeny of Behavioural Systems\n145\n\n\n\nRestriction of Range of Effective Stimuli\n147\n\n\n\nElaboration of Primitive Behavioural Systems and Their Super-Session by Sophisticated Systems\n152\n\n\n\nIntegration of Behavioural Systems into Functional Wholes\n157\n\n\n\nSensitive Periods of Development\n161\n\n\n\nImprinting\n166\n\n\n\nComparison of Old and New Theories of Instinctive Behaviour\n172\n\n\nPart III: Attachment Behaviour\n\n\n11\nThe Child's Tie to his Mother: Attachment Behaviour\n177\n\n\n\nAlternative Theories\n177\n\n\n\nAttachment Behaviour and its Place in Nature\n180\n\n\n\nAttachment Behaviour in Sub-Human Primates\n184\n\n\n\nAttachment Behaviour in Man\n198\n\n\n12\nNature and Function of Attachment Behaviour\n210\n\n\n\nThe Theory of Secondary Drive: Origin and Present Status\n210\n\n\n\nThe Question of Imprinting\n220\n\n\n\nFunction of Attachment Behaviour\n223\n\n\n\nA Note on Terminology: ‘Dependence’\n228\n\n\n\nAttachment and other Systems of Social Behaviour\n230\n\n\n13\nA Control Systems Approach to Attachment Behaviour\n235\n\n\n\nIntroduction\n235\n\n\n\nThe Roles of Child and of Mother in Mother-Child Interaction\n236\n\n\n\nForms of Behaviour Mediating Attachment and Their Organisation\n244\n\n\n\nBehaviour Typical of Two-Year-Olds in Different Situations\n252\n\n\n\nActivation and Termination of Systems Mediating Attachment Behaviour\n257\n\n\n\n

\n\n\nviii\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\nPart IV: Ontogeny of Human Attachment\n\n\n14\nBeginnings of Attachment Behaviour\n265\n\n\n\nPhases in the Development of Attachment\n265\n\n\n\nBehavioural Equipment of the Human Neonate\n268\n\n\n\nEarly Responses to People\n271\n\n\n\nNature and Nurture\n296\n\n\n15\nFocusing on a Figure\n299\n\n\n\nIntroduction\n299\n\n\n\nPatterns of Differentially Directed Behaviour\n300\n\n\n\nFigures Towards Whom Attachment Behaviour is Directed\n303\n\n\n\nProcesses Leading to Selection of Figures\n313\n\n\n\nSensitive Phases and the Fear of Strangers\n321\n\n\n\nSpitz's Position: A Critique\n327\n\n\n16\nPatterns of Attachment and Contributing Conditions\n331\n\n\n\nProblems to be Solved\n331\n\n\n\nCriteria for Describing Patterns of Attachment\n333\n\n\n\nSome Patterns of Attachment Seen at the First Birthday\n335\n\n\n\nConditions of the First Year Contributing to Variation\n339\n\n\n\nPersistence and Stability of Patterns\n347\n\n\n17\nDevelopments in the Organisation of Attachment Behaviour\n350\n\n\nAppendix\n\n\n\nThe Child's Tie to his Mother: Review of the Psychoanalytical Literature\n361\n\n\nReferences\n379\n\n\n\n

\n\n\nix\nx\n

Preface

In 1956 when this work was begun I had no conception of what I was undertaking. At that time my object appeared a limited one, namely, to discuss the theoretical implications of some observations of how young children respond to temporary loss of mother. These observations had been made by my colleague, James Robertson, and together he and I were preparing them for publication. A discussion of their theoretical significance seemed desirable and was destined to form the second part of our book.

Events were to prove otherwise. As my study of theory progressed it was gradually borne in upon me that the field I had set out to plough so lightheartedly was no less than the one that Freud had started tilling sixty years earlier, and that it contained all those same rocky excrescences and thorny entanglements that he had encountered and grappled with—love and hate, anxiety and defence, attachment and loss. What had deceived me was that my furrows had been started from a corner diametrically opposite to the one at which Freud had entered and through which analysts have always followed. From a new viewpoint a familiar landscape can sometimes look very different. Not only had I been deceived in the first place, but subsequently progress has been slow. It has also, I believe, often been difficult for colleagues to understand what I am attempting. It may be of help, therefore, if I put my thinking in a historical perspective.

In 1950 I was asked by the World Health Organisation to advise on the mental health of homeless children. This assignment provided a valuable opportunity to meet with many of the leading workers in the field of child care and child psychiatry and to read the literature. As I wrote in the preface to the resulting report (1951), what struck me amongst those I met was the ‘very high degree of agreement existing in regard to both the principles underlying the mental health of children and the practices by which it may be safeguarded’. In the first part of the report I presented evidence and formulated a principle: ‘What is believed to be essential for mental health is that the infant and young child should experience a warm, intimate and continuous relationship with his mother (or permanent

\nxi\nmother-substitute) in which both find satisfaction and enjoyment.’ In the second part I outlined the measures that, in the light of these principles, are necessary if the mental health of children separated from their families is to be safeguarded.\n

The report proved timely. It helped to focus attention on the problem, contributed to improved methods of care, and stimulated both controversy and research. Yet, as more than one reviewer pointed out, the report had at least one grave limitation. Whereas it had much to say about the many kinds of ill effect that evidence shows can be attributed to maternal deprivation and also about practical measures that may prevent or mitigate these ill effects, it said very little indeed about the processes whereby these ill effects are brought into being. How does it come about that one or another of the events included under the general heading of maternal deprivation produces this or that form of psychiatric disturbance? What are the processes at work? Why should things happen this way? What are the other variables that affect outcome, and how do they affect it? On all these issues the monograph is silent, or nearly so.

The reason for this silence was ignorance—my own and others'—which could not possibly have been made good in the few months in which the report had to be written. Sooner or later, I hoped, the gap would be filled, though it was unclear when or how.

It was in this frame of mind that I began to give serious attention to observations my colleague James Robertson had been making. With the help of a small grant from the Sir Halley Stewart Trust he had joined me in 1948 to take part in what was intended to be a systematic inquiry into the whole problem of the effects on personality development of separation from mother in early childhood. During an extended reconnaissance of what was at that time largely virgin ground he had observed a number of young children before, during, and after a stay away from home; most of these children were in their second and third years of life and not only were separated from their mothers but for periods of weeks or months were cared for in settings, such as hospital or residential nursery, in which they had no stable mother-substitute. During this work he had been deeply impressed by the intensity of the distress and misery he was witness to whilst the children were away from home and by the extent and duration of the disturbance that was present after they had returned there. No one reading his written reports or viewing the film record he made of one little girl could be left

\nxii\nunmoved. Nevertheless, at that time there was no agreement about the significance or relevance of these observations. Some challenged their validity; others recognised that the responses occurred but attributed them to almost anything but loss of mother-figure; yet others conceded that loss was a relevant variable but held that to mitigate its effects was not too difficult and that loss was therefore of less consequence for pathology than we supposed.\n

My colleagues and I took a different view. We were confident that the observations were valid; all the evidence pointed to loss of mother-figure as a dominant variable, though not the only one; and our experience suggested that, even when other circumstances were favourable, there was more distress and disturbance than was usually recognised. Indeed, we held the view that the responses of protest, despair, and detachment that typically occur when a young child aged over six months is separated from his mother and in the care of strangers are due mainly to ‘loss of maternal care at this highly dependent, highly vulnerable stage of development’. From empirical observation we suggested that ‘the young child's hunger for his mother's love and presence is as great as his hunger for food’, and that in consequence her absence inevitably generates ‘a powerful sense of loss and anger’. We were concerned particularly with the great changes in a child's relation to his mother that are often to be seen when he returns home after a period away; on the one hand, ‘an intense clinging to the mother which can continue for weeks, months or years’; on the other, ‘a rejection of the mother as a love object, which may be temporary or permanent’. The latter state, to which we later came to refer as detachment, we held to be a result of the child's feelings for his mother having undergone repression.

Thus we reached the conclusion that loss of mother-figure, either by itself or in combination with other variables yet to be clearly identified, is capable of generating responses and processes that are of the greatest interest to psychopathology. Not only so, but these responses and processes, we concluded, are the very same as are known to be active in older individuals who are still disturbed by separations that they suffered in early life. Amongst these responses and processes and amongst forms of disturbance are, on the one hand, a tendency to make excessive demands on others and to be anxious and angry when they are not met, such as is present in dependent and hysterical personalities; and, on the other, a blockage in the capacity to make

\nxiii\ndeep relationships, such as is present in affectionless and psychopathic personalities. In other words, it seemed to us that when we observe children during and after periods away from mother and in a strange setting we are witnessing responses, and also effects of defensive processes, that are just those that enable us to bridge the gap between an experience of this sort and one or another of the disturbances in personality functioning that may follow.\n

These conclusions, which sprang naturally from the empirical data, led to a crucial decision of research strategy. Since our aim was to understand how these pathological processes originate and develop, we decided that henceforward we would take as our principal data detailed records of how young children respond to the experiences of being separated from and later of being reunited with mother. Such data, we had come to believe, are of great intrinsic interest and an essential complement to data of a traditional kind derived from the treatment of older subjects. The thinking underlying this decision and some of the original data are reported in papers published between 1952 and 1954; and a film was published during the same period.1

During the years that have elapsed since this decision was taken my colleagues and I have given much time to the scrutiny of data already collected, the collection and analysis of further data, the comparison of these data with data from other sources, and an examination of their theoretical implications. Amongst the fruits of this work already published is a volume, Brief Separations (1966), in which Christoph Heinicke and Ilse Westheimer study responses to be seen during and after a brief separation experienced in a defined setting. In that study not only were the responses observed and recorded in a more systematic way than had been possible in earlier studies but the behaviour of the separated children was compared statistically with the behaviour shown by a matched sample of children living in their own homes and not separated. Within its limits the findings of this later study confirm the less systematic but more extensive findings of James Robertson and amplify them at a number of points.

In a series of papers published between 1958 and 1963 I have myself discussed some of the theoretical problems raised by

These papers, from which the passages quoted are taken, are as follows: Robertson and Bowlby (1952); Bowlby, Robertson, and Rosenbluth (1952); Bowlby (1953); Robertson (1953); and Ainsworth and Bowlby (1954). The film is Robertson (1952).

\nxiv\nthese observations. The present two volumes cover the same ground, but do so in a more rigorous way. There is also much additional material.\n

Volume I is devoted to problems originally tackled in the first paper of the series, ‘The nature of the child's tie to his mother’ (1958). In order effectively to present the theory to be advanced, which is attempted in Parts III and IV, it has been necessary to discuss first the whole problem of instinctive behaviour and how best to conceptualise it. The rather long discussion entailed constitutes Part II of the volume. It is preceded by two chapters forming Part I: the first sets out systematically some of the assumptions from which I start and compares them with Freud's; the second reviews the empirical observations on which I am drawing and gives a prêcis of them. The aim of all the chapters of Parts I and II is to clarify and make more explicit the concepts with which I am working, since these, because they are unfamiliar, have proved puzzling to many clinicians otherwise sympathetic to the work.

The second volume deals with problems of separation anxiety, grief, and mourning, and will comprise a revision and amplification of the material first published in the following papers:\n\n

‘Separation anxiety’ (1960a)

‘Separation anxiety: a critical review of the literature’ (1961a)

‘Grief and mourning in infancy and early childhood’ (1960b)

‘Processes of mourning’ (1961b)

‘Pathological mourning and childhood mourning’ (1963).

Throughout this inquiry my frame of reference has been that of psychoanalysis. There are several reasons for this. The first is that my early thinking on the subject was inspired by psychoanalytic work—my own and others'. A second is that, despite limitations, psychoanalysis remains the most serviceable and the most used of any present-day theory of psychopathology. A third and most important is that, whereas all the central concepts of my schema—object relations, separation anxiety, mourning, defence, trauma, sensitive periods in early life—are the stock-in-trade of psychoanalytic thinking, until recently they have been given but scant attention by other behavioural disciplines.

In the course of his explorations Freud followed many different lines of thought and tried many possible theoretical constructions. Since his death the contradictions and ambiguities

\nxv\nhe left behind have caused unease and there have been attempts to tidy up: certain of his theories have been selected and elaborated, others laid aside and neglected. Because some of my ideas are alien to the theoretical traditions that have become established, and so have met with strong criticism, I have been at some pains to show that most of them are by no means alien to what Freud himself thought and wrote. On the contrary, as I hope to show, a great number of the central concepts of my schema are to be found plainly stated by Freud.\nxvi\n

Acknowledgements

In the preparation of this book I have been helped by many friends and colleagues, and it is a great pleasure to express publicly to all of them my very warmest thanks.

Since the main data on which I have drawn are those of James Robertson, my debt to him is immense. His early observations first impressed me with the great potential of naturalistic studies of how young children behave when temporarily out of mother's care, and his constant concern for accuracy of description and his tireless attention to detail have been of continuous help to me in the presentation and discussion of findings. The systematic observations of Christoph Heinicke and Ilse Westheimer, by making firmer the empirical base from which I am working, have also been of the greatest value.

I am much indebted for help given me also by other colleagues who have worked at the Tavistock Clinic and Tavistock Institute of Human Relations on problems of attachment and loss.

Since she left the Tavistock in 1954, Mary Salter Ainsworth and I have kept in close touch. She has not only been most generous in making available her observations of attachment behaviour, made both in Uganda and in Baltimore, Maryland, but has read most of this book in draft and suggested many improvements, especially to Parts III and IV.

Anthony Ambrose has helped me to clarify points of difficulty and has made many suggestions for improving parts of the text. He also played an invaluable part in helping to organise the four meetings of the Tavistock Seminar on Mother-Infant Interaction, held in London with the generous support of the Ciba Foundation. Anyone familiar with the reports of those meetings will quickly recognise the debt I owe to all those who presented papers and took part in the discussions.

The theoretical schema elaborated stems partly from psychoanalysis and partly from ethology. For my psychoanalytic education I am indebted especially to my own analyst, Joan Riviere, and to Melanie Klein, who was one of my supervisors. Though my position has come to differ much from theirs, I remain deeply grateful to them for grounding me in the object-relations approach to psychoanalysis, with its emphasis on early relationships and the pathogenic potential of loss.

\nxvii\n

In 1951, at a sensitive phase in my thinking about problems of separation, Julian Huxley fanned a germinal interest in ethology and introduced me to the just published classics of Konrad Lorenz and Niko Tinbergen. To all three I am grateful for continuing my education and for encouragement.

In seeking to utilise the more recent findings and concepts of ethology I am more indebted than I can say for the time and guidance given me by Robert Hinde. In the course of discussions over many years, and from his comments on drafts, I have received much illumination; and he very kindly loaned me an early version of his Animal Behaviour, 1966, which I found invaluable. Whilst he is not to be held responsible for the views I am expressing, without his searching criticism and generous help this book would have been immeasurably the poorer.

Others who have contributed to my thinking and have suggested improvements to parts of the draft are Gordon Bronson, David Hamburg, Dorothy Heard, and Arnold Tustin.

In the preparation of the script my secretary, Dorothy Southern, has been indefatigable. She has typed draft upon draft from abominable manuscript not only with exemplary care but with a devotion and enthusiasm which have never faltered. Library assistance of every kind has been provided with unfailing efficiency by Ann Sutherland. For preparation of the list of references and other editorial help I am indebted to Rosamund Robson, and for the index to Vivien Caplin.

Finally, I express my gratitude to the many bodies that since 1948 have supported the Tavistock Child Development Research Unit and its personnel. Financial help has been received from the National Health Service (Central Middlesex Group and Paddington Group Hospital Management Committees and the North West Metropolitan Regional Hospital Board) and from the Sir Halley Stewart Trust, the International Children's Centre in Paris, the Trustees of Elmgrant, the Regional Office for Europe of the World Health Organisation, the Josiah Macy Jr. Foundation, the Ford Foundation, and the Foundation's Fund for Research in Psychiatry. During 1957-8 I held a fellowship at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences at Stanford, California, and was thereby enabled to come to grips with some of the fundamental problems presented by the data. Since April 1963, the Medical Research Council has employed me as a part-time member of its External Scientific Staff. Revision of the final chapters was undertaken whilst I was Visiting Professor in Psychiatry at Stanford University.

\nxviii\n

For permission to quote from published works, thanks are due to the publishers, authors, and others listed below. Bibliographical details of all the works cited are given in the list of references at the end of the volume.

Academic Press, Inc., New York, in respect of ‘The affectional systems’ by H. F. and M. K. Harlow, in Behavior of Non-human Primates, edited by A. M. Schrier, H. F. Harlow, and F. Stollnitz; the Clarendon Press, Oxford, in respect of A Model of the Brain by J. Z. Young; Gerald Duckworth & Co. Ltd, London, and Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., New York, in respect of the poem ‘Jim’ from the Cautionary Tales of Hilaire Belloc; the Editor of the British Medical Journal and Professor R. S. Illingworth in respect of ‘Crying in infants and children’; the Editor of the International Journal of Psycho-Analysis and Professor W. C. Lewis in respect of ‘Coital movements in the first year of life’; the Editor of the Merrill-Palmer Quarterly and Dr L. J. Yarrow in respect of ‘Research in dimensions of early maternal care’; the Editor of Science, Dr S. L. Washburn, Dr P. C. Jay, and Mrs J. B. Lancaster in respect of ‘Field studies of Old World monkeys and apes’ (copyright 1965 by the American Association for the Advancement of Science); Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass., in respect of Children of the Kibbutz by M. E. Spiro; the Hogarth Press Ltd, London, and the Melanie Klein trustees in respect of Developments in Psycho-analysis by Melanie Klein and her colleagues; Holt, Rinehart & Winston, Inc., New York, in respect of ‘The social development of monkeys and apes’ by W. A. Mason, in Primate Behavior, edited by I. DeVore; the International Council of Nurses and Dr Z. Mićić in respect of ‘Psychological stress in children in hospital’, which appeared in the International Nursing Review; International Universities Press, Inc., New York, in respect of ‘Psychoanalysis and education’ by Anna Freud, and ‘The first treasured possession’ by O. Stevenson, which appeared in the Psychoanalytic Study of the Child; the Johns Hopkins Press, Baltimore, Md, in respect of Mind: An Essay on Human Feeling by S. Langer; McIntosh & Otis, Inc., New York, in respect of The Ape in Our House by C. Hayes; Methuen & Co. Ltd, London, in respect of ‘The development of infant-mother interaction among the Ganda’ by M. D. Ainsworth, in Determinants of Infant Behaviour, Vol. 2, edited by B. M. Foss; Tavistock Publications Ltd, London, in respect of ‘Transitional objects and transitional phenomena’ from the Collected Papers of D. W. Winnicott; Tavistock Publications Ltd, London, and Liveright Publishing Corporation, New York, in respect of ‘Love for the mother and mother love’ by Alice Balint, in Primary Love and Psycho-analytic Technique by Michael Balint.

\nxix\n

For permission to quote passages from the Standard Edition of The Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, thanks are due to Sigmund Freud Copyrights Ltd, Mrs Alix Strachey, the Institute of Psycho-Analysis, the Hogarth Press Ltd, London, and Basic Books, Inc., New York.

\nxx\n\n","docLevel":1,"updated":"2023-07-11T13:11:16+00:00","score":1,"rank":18,"stat":{"art_cited_5":0,"art_cited_10":0,"art_cited_20":0,"art_cited_all":0,"art_views_lastcalyear":899,"art_views_lastweek":30,"art_views_last1mos":211,"art_views_last6mos":1383,"art_views_last12mos":1827,"reference_count":0,"art_fig_count":1,"art_tbl_count":3,"art_kwds_count":0,"art_words_count":4028,"art_citations_count":0,"art_ftns_count":1,"art_notes_count":0,"art_dreams_count":0},"embargo":"False","embargotype":null,"downloads":true,"accessClassification":"archive","accessChecked":false,"accessLimited":true},{"documentID":"IPL.079.0003A","docType":"ART","documentRef":"Bowlby, J. (1969) Point of View. Attachment and Loss: Volume I: Attachment 79:3-23","documentRefHTML":"

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The extraordinary intricacy of all the factors to be taken into consideration leaves only one way of presenting them open to us. We must select first one and then another point of view, and follow it up through the material as long as the application of it seems to yield results.

\nSigmund Freud (1915b)1\n

During nearly fifty years of psychoanalytic investigation Freud tried first one and then another point of view from which to start his inquiries. Dreams, the symptoms of neurotic patients, the behaviour of primitive peoples were amongst the varied data he studied. But, although in his search for explanation he was in each case led to events of early childhood, he himself only rarely drew for his basic data on direct observation of children. The result is that most of the concepts that psycho-analysts have about early childhood have been arrived at by a process of historical reconstruction based on data derived from older subjects. This remains true even of ideas that stem from child analysis: the events and processes inferred belong to a phase of life that is already passed.

The point of view from which this work starts is different. For reasons that are described in the preface it is believed that observation of how a very young child behaves towards his mother, both in her presence and especially in her absence, can contribute greatly to our understanding of personality development. When removed from mother by strangers young children respond usually with great intensity; and after reunion with her they show commonly either a heightened degree of separation anxiety or else an unusual detachment. Since a change in relations of one or other of these kinds, or even of both compounded, is frequent in subjects suffering from psychoneurosis and other forms of emotional disturbance, it seemed promising to select these observations as a starting-point; and having adopted this point of view to ‘follow it up through the material as long as the application of it seems to yield results’.

","docLevel":1,"updated":"2023-07-11T13:11:13+00:00","score":1,"rank":19,"stat":{"art_cited_5":0,"art_cited_10":0,"art_cited_20":0,"art_cited_all":0,"art_views_lastcalyear":22,"art_views_lastweek":0,"art_views_last1mos":0,"art_views_last6mos":0,"art_views_last12mos":0,"reference_count":0,"art_fig_count":0,"art_tbl_count":0,"art_kwds_count":0,"art_words_count":8495,"art_citations_count":0,"art_ftns_count":7,"art_notes_count":0,"art_dreams_count":0},"embargo":"False","embargotype":null,"downloads":true,"accessClassification":"archive","accessChecked":false,"accessLimited":true},{"documentID":"IPL.079.0024A","docType":"ART","documentRef":"Bowlby, J. (1969) Observations to Be Explained. Attachment and Loss: Volume I: Attachment 79:24-34","documentRefHTML":"

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A child forsaken, waking suddenly,

Whose gaze afeard on all things round doth rove,

And seeth only that it cannot see

The meeting eyes of love.

\nGeorge Eliot\n

From time immemorial mothers and poets have been alive to the distress caused to a child by loss of his mother; but it is only in the last fifty years that, by fits and starts, science has awoken to it.

Apart from a few early references, some of them by Freud, no series of observations of how infants and young children behave when separated from mother was on record until the early 1940s. Then the first observations, made in the Hampstead Nurseries during the Second World War, were reported by Dorothy Burlingham and Anna Freud (1942, 1944). They cover children in the age-range from birth to about four years who were healthy and who, after separation, were cared for in conditions as good as could be created in a wartime nursery. Because these were pioneer studies, reporting is not systematic and the exact conditions of care, which changed considerably during the years, are not always described. Nevertheless, much that is recorded is now known to be typical and the vivid accounts presented have become famous.

The second series of observations are those made by René Spitz and Katherine Wolf on about one hundred infants of unmarried mothers who were cared for in a penal institution (Spitz and Wolf, 1946). Except for a few infants observed up to the age of eighteen months, observations in this series are limited to behaviour occurring during the first twelve months of life. Until they were between six and eight months old all the babies studied were cared for by their own mothers. Then, ‘for unavoidable external reasons’, a separation occurred which lasted ‘for a practically unbroken period of three months, during which the child either did not see its mother at all, or at best once a week’.

24","docLevel":1,"updated":"2023-07-11T13:11:12+00:00","score":1,"rank":20,"stat":{"art_cited_5":0,"art_cited_10":0,"art_cited_20":0,"art_cited_all":0,"art_views_lastcalyear":56,"art_views_lastweek":1,"art_views_last1mos":4,"art_views_last6mos":48,"art_views_last12mos":59,"reference_count":0,"art_fig_count":0,"art_tbl_count":0,"art_kwds_count":0,"art_words_count":4293,"art_citations_count":0,"art_ftns_count":5,"art_notes_count":0,"art_dreams_count":0},"embargo":"False","embargotype":null,"downloads":true,"accessClassification":"archive","accessChecked":false,"accessLimited":true}]}}

\"(VII) Conclusion and Summary

SUMMARY

(I) THE PROBLEM: METHODS OF RESEARCH

INTRODUCTION

OBSERVATIONS OF YOUNG CHILDREN

Introduction

Contents

Preface

Acknowledgements

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