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I have no quarrel with Dr. Liebert's general model of psychological explanation, answering the question, “Why did an individual go into a building at Columbia in the spring of 1968?” I should like to address myself to the sociological question, “How is it that there were so many such individuals at that time and not at others, say in the spring of 1967 or, perhaps more to the point, in the spring of 1969, when there were three further sit-ins (all comparative failures)?” Between those who are committed radicals (of whichever of Liebert's two polar types) and those who have a strongly passive, nonradical/militant orientation, there is a long continuum of in-between positions. It is clear that, by definition, those who are radical are in the minority. Significant political action by radicals always requires the involvement of more center elements who become “radicalized,” not in the sense that Liebert is talking about, in terms of the activation of radical predispositions in the personality structure, but in the sense of being willing temporarily to engage in more vehemently oppositional political behavior than they usually are (that is, both before and after the crisis, however long it be). What is occurring is a temporary social redefinition of what is appropriate “center” behavior.
This kind of radicalization occurred at Columbia in the spring of 1968 and had largely worn off by the spring of 1969. It was unpredicted by all political actors before the actual crisis, as is often the case in such sudden outbursts of mass radicalization. Indeed, the fact that it was unpredicted is one important variable accounting for its actual occurrence.
Let us assume that there is a large group of persons, perhaps 30 to 50 per cent of the population, whose developmental scheme
lies roughly half-way between Liebert's model of the idealistic radical and his passive nonradical: some will, some purpose, some empathy, but also some submission, etc. Depending on the mixture, a few of th